巴黎袭击背后，被遗忘的贝鲁特

Beirut, Also the Site of Deadly Attacks, Feels Forgotten
巴黎袭击背后，被遗忘的贝鲁特

BEIRUT, Lebanon ― Ali Awad, 14, was chopping vegetables when the first bomb struck. Adel Tormous, who would die tackling the second bomber, was sitting at a nearby coffee stand. Khodr Alaa Deen, a registered nurse, was on his way to work his night shift at the teaching hospital of the American University at Beirut, in Lebanon.

黎巴嫩贝鲁特――当发生第一次炸弹袭击时，14岁的阿里・阿瓦德(Ali Awad)正在切菜；阿德尔・托尔木斯(Adel Tormous)正坐在不远处的一个咖啡摊上，不久以后他就会在与第二个爆炸袭击者扭打时死去；注册护士霍德尔・阿莱・德恩(Khodr Alaa Deen)，正在前往贝鲁特美国大学(American University at Beirut)教学医院上夜班的途中。

All three lost their lives in a double suicide attack in Beirut on Thursday, along with 40 others, and much like the scores who died a day later in Paris, they were killed at random, in a bustling urban area, while going about their normal evening business.

他们三个人都在贝鲁特周四发生的两次自杀式袭击中失去了生命。他们与另外40人一起，就像一天之后在巴黎死去的许多人一样，在从事自己惯常的晚间活动之时，在繁华的闹市区，死于偶发的袭击事件。

Around the crime scenes in south Beirut and central Paris alike, a sense of shock and sadness lingered into the weekend, with cafes and markets quieter than usual. The consecutive rampages, both claimed by the Islamic State, inspired feelings of shared, even global vulnerability ― especially in Lebanon, where many expressed shock that such chaos had reached France, a country they regarded as far safer than their own.

在贝鲁特南部的犯罪现场周围，也和巴黎市中心一样，震惊和悲伤的情绪一直持续到了周末，咖啡馆和市场比平时更加安静。接连发生的这些残忍事件，伊斯兰国(Islamic State)均宣称负责。它激发了脆弱的情感共鸣，甚至是全球性的共鸣――尤其是在黎巴嫩，许多人对于这样的乱局已经蔓延到法国表达了震惊，他们认为法国比自己的国家要安全得多。

But for some in Beirut, that solidarity was mixed with anguish over the fact that just one of the stricken cities ― Paris ― received a global outpouring of sympathy akin to the one lavished on the United States after the 9/11 attacks.

但是对于一些在贝鲁特的人来说，这种感同身受也混杂了些许痛苦。原因在于只有一个受到攻击的城市――巴黎――受到了全球范围内的同情，类似于遭受9・11袭击后，全世界对美国慷慨倾注的同情。

Monuments around the world lit up in the colors of the French flag; presidential speeches touted the need to defend “shared values;” Facebook offered users a one-click option to overlay their profile pictures with the French tricolor, a service not offered for the Lebanese flag. On Friday the social media giant even activated Safety Check, a feature usually reserved for natural disasters that lets people alert loved ones that they are unhurt; they had not activated it the day before for Beirut.

世界各地的标志性建筑亮起了法国国旗的颜色；各国总统演讲号召，需要捍卫“共同的价值观”；Facebook给用户提供了单击一下即可用法国三色旗覆盖个人照片的选项，而这项服务并不提供黎巴嫩国旗。星期五，这个社交媒体巨头甚至启用了“平安信使”(Safety Check)功能，通常它是为自然灾害而设置的，用途是让人们告诉亲友，自己安然无恙；而他们没有在前一天为贝鲁特激活这个功能。

“When my people died, no country bothered to light up its landmarks in the colors of their flag,” Elie Fares, a Lebanese doctor, wrote on his blog. “When my people died, they did not send the world into mourning. Their death was but an irrelevant fleck along the international news cycle, something that happens in THOSE parts of the world.”

“当我们的人民死了，没有一个国家愿意用他们国旗的颜色点亮地标，”黎巴嫩医生埃利・菲尔斯(Elie Fares)在他的博客中写道。“当我们的人民死了，他们没能让世界陷入悲痛。他们的死亡，只是国际新闻周期中一个无关紧要的碎屑，无非是世界的‘那一片’发生了一些事情。”

The implication, numerous Lebanese commentators complained, was that Arab lives mattered less. Either that, or that their country ― relatively calm despite the war next door ― was perceived a place where carnage is the norm, an undifferentiated corner of a basket-case region.

许多黎巴嫩评论人士抱怨，其中的涵义是，阿拉伯人的生命不那么重要。事情要么是这样，要么就是他们的国家被外界认为是杀戮成为常态的地方，处在一块外界难以区分的毫无希望的地区――他们的国家相对平静，尽管隔壁发生了战争。

In fact, while Beirut was once synonymous with violence, when it went through a grinding civil war a generation ago, it has not had a bombing this deadly since that conflict ended in 1990.

事实上，虽然贝鲁特曾经等同于暴力，在一代人的时间以前，它经历了长期的内战，但是自1990年战争结束以来，还从未经历过如此致命的爆炸。

(A reminder of the muddled perceptions came last week, when Jeb Bush, the Republican presidential candidate, declared that “if you’re a Christian, increasingly in Lebanon, or Iraq or Syria, you’re gonna be beheaded.” That was news to Lebanon’s Christians, who hold significant political power.)

（上周的一个事件显示了混乱的认知。共和党总统候选人杰布・布什[Jeb Bush]宣称，“如果你是一个基督徒，在黎巴嫩、伊拉克或叙利亚，就越来越可能会被砍头。”这对于黎巴嫩的基督徒来说堪称奇闻，因为他们掌握着重要的政治权力。）

The disparity in reactions highlighted a sense in the region of being left alone to bear the brunt of Syria’s deadly four-year war, which has sent more than four million refugees fleeing, mostly to neighboring countries like Lebanon. For the Lebanese, the government has been little help, plagued as it is with gridlock and corruption that have engendered electricity and water shortages and, most recently, a collapse of garbage collection. Many in the region ― both supporters and opponents of the Syrian government ― say they have long warned the international powers that, if left unaddressed, the conflict would eventually spill into the West.

外界反应的差异突显了这个区域的一种感觉：在独自承担了叙利亚惨烈的四年战争后，这个区域被淡忘了。叙利亚的战争导致四百多万名难民逃离，大多逃向黎巴嫩这样的临近国家。对于黎巴嫩人来说，政府没有提供帮助，僵化和腐败导致了电力和水的短缺，而且最近，垃圾回收体系也崩溃了。中东地区的许多人――既包括叙利亚政府的支持者，也包括反对者――说他们早已警告过世界大国，如果得不到解决，冲突最终会蔓延到西方。

To be sure, the attacks meant different things in Paris and Beirut. Paris saw it as a bolt from the blue, the worst attack in the city since World War II, while to Beirut the bombing was the fulfillment of a never entirely absent fear that a more recent outbreak of violence would recur.

当然，袭击的发生在巴黎和贝鲁特意味着不同的东西。巴黎人认为它是意料之外的，是二战以来最严重的袭击事件。而对于贝鲁特来说，炸弹袭击是一个从未完全消失过的恐惧，总担心不久前的暴力事件将再次发生。

Lebanon seemed to have recovered over the past year and a half from a series of bombings claimed by Sunni militant groups as revenge for the intervention by Hezbollah, the Lebanon-based Shiite militia, in the Syrian civil war to provide critical support for the Syrian government.

黎巴嫩似乎已从过去的一年半里一系列的爆炸事件中恢复过来。逊尼派激进组织宣称对这些炸弹负责，意图是对黎巴嫩真主党(Hezbollah)的干预进行复仇。真主党是黎巴嫩的什叶派武装，它在叙利亚内战中为叙利亚政府提供关键支持。

Some blamed news coverage for the perception that Beirut was still an active war zone. They cited headlines ― including, briefly, a Times one that was soon changed to be more precise ― that refer to the predominantly Shiite neighborhood where the bombing took place as a “stronghold” of the militia and political party Hezbollah.

外界之所以认为贝鲁特仍是活跃的战区，一些人将此归咎于新闻报道。他们的例子包括一些新闻报道――包括《纽约时报》的一则报道中短暂存在的表述，它很快更改成了更为精确的措辞――文中提到发生爆炸的什叶派聚居地是武装组织和政党真主党的“据点”。

That is hard to dispute in the political sense ― Hezbollah controls security in the neighborhood and is highly popular there, along with the allied Amal party. But critics say the phrase risks portraying a busy civilian, residential and commercial district as a justifiable military target.

从政治涵义上，这一点很难辩驳，真主党与其盟友阿迈勒党(Amal)一起，控制着该社区的安保，并且在那里非常受欢迎。但批评者说，这个短语可能将熙熙攘攘的居民区和商业区，刻画成了军事袭击的合理目标。

Back in southern Beirut over the weekend, as the government announced the arrest of seven Syrians and two Lebanese in connection with the attack, the street where the bombings took place was strewn with lettuce and parsley from pushcarts overturned in the blast. Men washed blood from sidewalks. A shop’s inventory of shoes ― from small children’s slippers to women’s clogs ― was scattered across the pavement. Several funeral processions were massing, ready to march to cemeteries.

周末政府宣布逮捕了与袭击事件相关的七名叙利亚人和两名黎巴嫩人，而在贝鲁特南部，爆炸发生的街道上满是从翻倒的手推车里撒出的生菜和芹菜。人们正在清洗人行道上的血迹。一家鞋店的货品，如儿童拖鞋和女式凉拖，撒满了路面。街道上聚集起了若干支送葬的队伍，将要向墓地前进。

Residents mourned Ali Awad, 14, passing around his picture in a scouting uniform. He had run out to see what had happened after the first blast, and was caught in the second, relatives said.

居民们正在悼念14岁的阿里・阿瓦德，他们传阅着阿瓦德身穿童子军制服的一张照片。亲戚们说，第一场爆炸之后，他跑到外面看发生了什么，结果遇上了第二场爆炸。

Nearby, Abdullah Jawad stood staring glumly into a shop. His friend, the owner, had died there, just after Mr. Jawad had painted the place.

阿卜杜拉・贾瓦德(Abdullah Jawad)站在不远处，沉郁地望着一家商店。店主是贾瓦德的朋友，死在了那里。贾瓦德刚刚给店铺涂了油漆。