日本和平主义会因为奥巴马广岛行转向吗？

Japan’s Leader Has Little Use for Hiroshima’s Lessons of Pacifism
日本和平主义会因为奥巴马广岛行转向吗？

HIROSHIMA, Japan — Tokyo is Japan’s political and commercial capital. Kyoto is its temple-filled repository of traditional culture. But Hiroshima — obliterated by a U.S. atomic bomb 71 years ago then rebuilt with a newly peaceful and prosperous country — is in many ways the heart of Japan’s modern national identity.

日本广岛——东京是日本的政治和商业中心。寺庙众多的京都是它的传统文化宝库。但是，从很多方面来说，71年前被美国的原子弹夷为平地的广岛，一座与繁荣和平的新日本一起重建起来的城市，是日本人现代国家身份的中心。

From a militarist empire whose armies tore across Asia in the first half of the 20th century, Japan, seared by the most horrific consequence of war, embraced democracy and nonbelligerence seemingly overnight. It has not sent a soldier into combat since 1945, a record of pacifism that exceeds even that of its onetime ally, Germany.

日本曾是一个军国主义帝国，其军队在20世纪上半叶横扫亚洲各地，但战争给日本带来了极为可怕的后果，它似乎在一夜之间拥抱了民主与和平。自1945年以来，它从未派出一兵一卒参战，其和平表现甚至超越了曾经的盟友德国。

And yet, as President Barack Obama travels to Hiroshima on Friday, bringing renewed attention to the city and its legacy, many worry that the ideals Hiroshima has represented for so long are fading in Japan. The deep aversion to military entanglements is being challenged like never before by an ambitious conservative movement led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

但是，就在奥巴马总统本周五前往广岛访问，给这个城市及其历史遗存带来了新的关注之际，很多人在担心，广岛长期以来所代表的理想正在日本走向衰落。对军事参与的深度厌恶感，在日本首相安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)领导的一场野心勃勃的保守主义运动中，遭受到了前所未有的挑战。

“Hiroshima is more than just a city,” said Kenzaburo Oe, the Nobel laureate novelist and peace activist who has written extensively about the attack and the subsequent bombing of Nagasaki, which together killed more than 200,000 people. “Hiroshima has been the ultimate expression of the feelings of the Japanese people, though I’m not sure that’s the case anymore.”

“广岛不仅仅是一座城市，”诺贝尔文学奖得主、小说家、和平活动家大江健三郎说，“广岛一直是日本人感情的终极体现，虽然我不知道现在还是不是这样。”广岛和长崎遭受的核轰炸导致20多万人丧生，大江健三郎写了大量关于该事件的作品。

Oe added, “The Japanese Constitution is a Hiroshima constitution, more than a Tokyo constitution,” referring to the transformative basic law handed down by the United States after Japan’s defeat. The charter renounces war, declares that “land, sea and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained,” and rejects “the right of belligerency of the state.”

大江健三郎还说：“《日本宪法》和广岛的关系大于和东京的关系”，他指的是日本战败后，在美国的要求下确立的那部变革性的根本大法。宪法摒弃了战争，宣称“不保持陆海空军及其他战争力量”，并放弃了“国家交战权”。

But the constitution, and the array of pacifist-tinged laws and policies that flow from it, has come under attack as external dangers loom. The pacifist movement that has long been centered in Hiroshima is struggling to remain relevant to younger people, many born several generations after the war’s end.

但是随着外来危险的显现，这部宪法以及一系列带有和平主义色彩的法律和相关政策遭到了诟病。长期以广岛为中心的和平运动，已经难以吸引到比较年轻的日本人，他们中有很多都和战争相隔几代人。

“Obama is visiting Hiroshima at a time when the contrast between the city and what’s happening at the national level is getting stronger,” said Tadatoshi Akiba, a former mayor of the city.

“奥巴马访问广岛之际，正是这座城市和整个国家的动向之间的冲突加剧的时候，”广岛前市长秋叶忠利(Tadatoshi Akiba)说。

Seven decades after World War II, Abe’s governing Liberal Democratic Party says the constraints placed on Japan in the conflict’s aftermath are outdated and enfeebling, and it has proposed an array of constitutional amendments, including a rollback of the charter’s pacifist clauses.

“二战”过去已经70年，安倍晋三领导的执政党自民党表示，日本在战后被施加的限制现在已经过时，对日本有削弱作用。该党提出了一系列宪法修正案，包括在和平条款上的倒退。

Abe argues that change is vital because a more potent and assertive China and a nuclear-armed North Korea have emerged on Japan’s doorstep. And he has offered a brasher alternative to the inward-looking exceptionalism that grew out of Hiroshima, campaigning to transform Japan into a “normal” country, with a freer military and a bigger role in global affairs.

安倍晋三认为这样的修改至关重要，因为日本现在面对着更加强大、更加自信的中国，以及拥有了核武器的朝鲜。相对于由广岛而生的这种只管自己的例外主义，他提供了一个更张扬的选择，努力把日本改造成一个“正常”国家，拥有一支更自由的军队，在全球事务中发挥更大作用。

For some, that vision runs counter to the “never again” message inscribed on Hiroshima’s war memorial, and symbolized by the skeletal atomic bomb dome preserved at ground zero nearby.

对一些人来说，这个设想，和广岛战争纪念馆所传达的、爆炸地点附近的原爆圆顶屋所象征的“永不再发生”的态度，可谓背道而驰。

“Abe’s approach is a kind of ‘military pacifism’ that takes war as a given,” said Motofumi Asai, a former Foreign Ministry official who directed the Hiroshima Peace Institute from 2005 to 2011 and is now a professor at Osaka University of Economics and Law. “If Japanese people embrace this, they are denying their postwar constitutional pacifism.”

“安倍晋三的做法是一种‘军事和平主义’，把战争当成了既定条件，”前外务省官员浅井基文(Motofumi Asai)说。“如果日本人民采纳它，实际上就是否定了战后宪法规定的和平主义。”浅井基文从2005至2011任广岛和平研究所所长，现在是大阪经济法科大学的教授。

Japanese pacifism has always been strewn with contradictions. The “peace constitution” has not stopped the country from rebuilding its military, though its postwar version, the Self-Defense Forces, has never fought abroad. Japan’s leaders have declined to develop nuclear weapons, but they welcome the nuclear umbrella provided by Japan’s ally, the United States. And they have endorsed U.S. military interventions around the world, while keeping Japan out of combat.

日本的和平主义始终充满了矛盾。“和平宪法”并没有阻止该国重建军队，但日本战后的军队“自卫队”从未到海外作战。日本领导人拒绝发展核武器，但却欢迎盟友美国提供核保护伞。他们既支持美国在世界各地进行军事干预，同时又让日本置身战斗之外。

“Japanese pacifism has been made possible by the fact that Japan is protected by the United States,” said Makoto Iokibe, a professor at Kobe University and former president of the National Defense Academy of Japan. Now, the changes sought by Abe are forcing Japan to face that paradox, in ways that make many uncomfortable.

“日本受到美国的保护，这让日本的和平主义成为了可能，”神户大学教授、日本防卫大学前校长五百旗头真(Makoto Iokibe)说。现在，安倍晋三寻求的变化迫使日本正视这样一个悖论，令很多人感到尴尬。

“Japan is being asked to play a new role,” Iokibe said, “and that has created a sense of crisis among traditional postwar pacifists.”

“日本正被要求扮演新的角色，”五百旗头真说，“这导致传统的战后和平主义者产生了一种危机感。”

Abe has not mustered the political support needed to amend the constitution, and many specialists say they think he never will. The bar is high: Any changes require the approval of two-thirds of both houses of Parliament and a majority of voters in a national referendum. The document has not been altered since it came into force in 1947.

安倍晋三尚未争取到修宪所需的政治支持，很多专家认为他永远都争取不到。难度很大：宪法的任何修改都需获得议会两院三分之二的议员的批准，并在全国公投中得到大多数选民的支持。自1947年生效以来，日本宪法从未修改过。

But the prime minister has chipped away at many of the charter’s byproducts. Since leading the Liberal Democrats back to power in 2012, he has ordered rare increases in military spending; lifted a decadeslong prohibition on weapons exports; and passed security laws that, for the first time, allow the Self-Defense Forces to undertake combat missions overseas.

但首相安倍晋三已经逐步废除了宪法的很多副产品。自2012年带领自民党重新掌权以来，他罕见地下令增加军费、解除持续了数十年的武器出口禁令并通过安保法律，允许自卫队参加海外作战任务。

The changes have been welcomed by the Obama administration, which is trying to deepen U.S. diplomatic and military investment in the region but needs the help of allies. At the same time, Abe’s moves have caused unease in many parts of Asia where memories of Japanese conquest and colonization are still raw, especially in China.

这些变化受到了奥巴马政府的欢迎，后者正在努力深化美国在该地区的外交和军事投入，但需要盟友的帮助。与此同时，安倍晋三的举动让亚洲很多对日本的占领和殖民行为记忆犹新的地方陷入了不安，特别是在中国。

Abe pushed through the new security laws only after his government issued an official “reinterpretation” of the constitution. Legal scholars and peace groups associated with Hiroshima denounced the move as an illegitimate end run to weaken the charter’s peace clause, Article 9.

在自己领导的政府发布了对宪法的官方“重新解读”后，安倍晋三才推动新的安全法获得了通过。法律学者和与广岛有关联的和平团体对此举进行了谴责，称其是非法的迂回路线，意在削弱宪法的和平条款，即第九条。

In opinion surveys, a majority of Japanese say they disagree with Abe’s military policies. But the issue does not appear to be a priority for many. More tangible issues like Japan’s long-sputtering economy rank higher. The Liberal Democrats are well ahead in the polls, while opposition parties that have rallied around reversing the security laws languish in the single digits.

在民意调查中，大多数日本人表示他们不支持安倍晋三的军事政策。但对很多人来说，这似乎不是首要问题。一些更真切的问题排名更靠前，如日本经济的长期乏力。自民党在民调中大幅领先，而围绕废除安保法团结起来的反对党的支持率仅为个位数。

Abe’s agenda has encountered some public resistance, including modest protests against the security bills last year, but the opposition, hobbled by infighting and weak leaders, has failed to capitalize on such sentiment.

安倍晋三的议程遭到了一些民众的抵制，包括去年为反对安保法案而举行的温和抗议，但受制于内斗和领导人软弱无力的反对党，未能利用这种情绪。

“A lot of people don’t like what Abe is doing,” Asai of Osaka University of Economics and Law said, “but when they hear him and his supporters say ‘China, North Korea,’ they think it can’t be helped.”

“很多人不喜欢安倍晋三正在做的事情，”大板经济法科大学的浅井基文说。“但听到他和他的支持者说到‘中国、朝鲜’时，他们会觉得只能这样了。”

Abe’s aides expect him to get a lift in popularity from Obama’s trip to Hiroshima. Most Japanese have welcomed the U.S. president’s visit, even if he will not offer the apology for the bombing that some long to hear, and Abe is getting a share of the credit, to the chagrin of his beleaguered opponents.

安倍晋三的助手预计，他的民意支持率会因为奥巴马访问广岛而上升。大部分日本人欢迎美国总统来访，即使他不会像一些人渴望的那样为轰炸表示道歉。令处境困难的对手懊恼的是，安倍晋三被认为有一定的功劳。